Examining a pioneer of modern
American conservatism

Taking its name from the title of Frank Meyer's regular column in National Review from 1956-1972, it might initially be thought that Kevin Smart's biography of this former communist organizer-turned-conservative would deal with the dogmatic assertions of an ideologue whose reaction against his former faith, however thoughtful and entertaining, would nevertheless carry with it a zeal that could never really amount to a program for action in the real world. And yet, despite several setbacks to the emerging American conservative movement that grew in tandem with Meyer's own career, Smart's book goes to show how Meyer contributed to the emergence of principled opposition to liberalism, which eventually succeeded in carving a substantial place for itself in the American political scene.

Faced with a post-war America where the academic establishment had dismissed the term "American conservatism" as a contradiction in terms, while liberal Republicans sought a centrist program based upon a broad voter consensus and the ever-present desire to keep the party machine in power, the task of Meyer and his colleagues at National Review seemed an uphill battle, indeed. When the hard work of Meyer's disciples bore fruit in the election of Ronald Reagan to the White House, theirs was a victory won on the basis of a principled opposition to the liberalism that had seemed so pervasive in American politics. While the articulation of a persuasive conservative contribution to American public life might have at times seemed a drawn out and painful process, often divided along similar lines to the tensions between "social" and "fiscal" conservatives that we witness today, Meyer played a pivotal role in reconciling those apparent tensions, the formulation of a conservative credo, and the prudent application of those principles politically in a manner that could eventually claim considerable success in its mission to shape American politics.

Throughout the book, Smart portrays Meyer as a thoughtful man fueled by an insatiable passion for justice and truth, which always ensured a scrupulous concern for the adherence to guiding principles, however troublesome that might have seemed on many occasions. These characteristics came especially to the fore during National Review's quarterly meetings on editorial policy, which were collectively coined as "agonies" in which Meyer frequently found himself allied with like-minded contributors against the more moderate stances of another former communist-turned-conservative and confidante of editor William F. Buckley, James Burnham. While the continued friendships between the members of opposing camps was itself remarkable and indicative of a great degree of tact and maturity on the part of all players, the greatest benefit of the agonies seems to have been the role that they played in fostering a dialogue that tried to think through and understand issues and questions of vital importance. While thoroughly opposed to any watering-down of principles in order to further the magazine's respectability and acceptance among a more liberal audience, one gets the sense from Smart's portrayal of events that the agonies and similar dialogues helped Meyer to further contemplate, develop and articulate his brand of conservatism. On the level of principles, this eventually amounted to Meyer's portrayal of American conservatism in his 1962 book In Defence of Freedom as a movement rooted in a complimentary admixture of ordered liberty, guided and informed by the traditions of the West. Whatever one might make of Meyer's definition, his attention to detail and logical argumentation left little ambiguity as to what he believed, and provided a distinct philosophical basis for the beliefs of many conservatives.

While the often-heated interplay of factions involved in the attempt to define a new conservative movement might have seemed counterproductive to the shaping of a viable opposition, much less an alternative to American liberalism, Smart's book argues quite convincingly that such was not the case. The articulation of distinct principles along the lines of Meyer's seems to have prevented conservatism from developing into a party of sentiments, enabling it to respond effectively against corrosive influences from the left or right. Whether the prospect of being tarnished by the image of extremism emanating from the John Birch Society, or the temptation to overlook Richard Nixon's liberal policies, especially after he sought the favour of the National Review crowd, the efforts of Meyer and like-minded conservatives fostered and preserved underlying principles that would guide an emerging force in American politics.

Not simply a man of ideas, Meyer also involved himself in political activism throughout his career, whether though party politics, lecturing to students or creating networks of conservative intellectuals. When conservatives found themselves unable to wrestle control from a party machine that put forth liberal Republican candidates like Nelson Rockefeller in New York State, Meyer encouraged the creation of the New York Conservative Party, not so much as to win elections but so as to police the Republican Party. When conservatives finally thought they found a candidate for president in Barry Goldwater, whose 1964 campaign was defeated in a landslide, the experiences gained by conservative activists nevertheless set the foundations for Ronald Reagan's run for the Oval Office years later. Despite the bold nature of their forays into politics, which frequently ran against the grain of the well-oiled wheels of the more mainline Republican establishment, Smart's book offers a strong case for the program of 1960s conservatives as a carefully considered and successful policy.

Though he did not live to see the day when an American president would publicly declare his debt to his influence, the fruits of Meyer's efforts, along with those of his colleagues at National Review, still shape the character of American politics. Despite their passionate zeal, they maintained that combination of patience, openness to debate, tactfulness in times of crisis, prudential calculation, willingness to make bold forays into the political sphere and adjust their tactics where appropriate. This eventually brought the conservatives of Meyer's generation from the margins to the mainstream of American politics.

More important, Smart's account suggests that their adherence to principles was central to the movement's political success, bringing to the fore an alternative to the tactics of mainstream, liberal-leaning parties that seek victory through pragmatic consensus. While there might have been some parallels over the past decade in Canadian politics (such as the success of the Reform/Alliance in realigning federal politics) it remains to be seen whether the new Conservative Party will stick to fundamentally conservative principles or follow the route of the well-oiled machine primarily fixated upon wielding political power for its own sake. Despite the nay-sayers against anything smacking of an ideological stance against the mainstream, Smart's book offers hope for those who wish to challenge the status quo and the mindset so pervasive among professional party hacks.