The man who has Paul Martin's ear
Interim Staff
While
the media were proclaiming that Paul Martin - poised to become the prime
minister after winning the leadership of the Liberals Nov. 18 - would
lead the party in a new direction, there are many who wonder if he is
really all that different from Jean Chretien, especially if one considers
the elaborate web of political and business connections that both Chretien
and Martin enjoy.
Two personalities stand out among the who's who of Canadian and, indeed,
international influences who surround the former and current Liberal
leaders: Paul Desmarais and Maurice Strong.
Strong is the more problematic of the two: his views are extreme and
dangerous and he has already admitted that he will advise "my friend"
Paul Martin for free.
What kind of advice can Martin expect? Strong has long advocated one-world
government, a New Age one-world religion, environmental extremism and
seems to have endorsed China's brutal one-child policy. While there
are many who hold such views, there are few, if any, in a position to
implement them. Strong is one such person. Not only will he have the
ear of Martin - the Ottawa Citizen reported over the summer that he
will advise the new prime minister on "economic, environmental and international
issues" - he holds, or has held, numerous national and international
posts.
In a Sept. 1, 1997 cover story in National Review, journalist Ronald
Bailey exposed Maurice Strong's web of connections, as well as his ideas,
in particular his advocacy of global governance and radical environmental
policies. Bailey wrote that, "Militia members are famously worried that
black helicopters are practising maneuvers with blue-helmeted UN troops
in a plot to take over America. But the actual peril is more subtle.
A small cadre of obscure international bureaucrats is hard at work devising
a system of 'global governance' that is slowly gaining control over
ordinary Americans' lives. Maurice Strong, a 68-year-old Canadian, is
the 'indispensable man' at the centre of this creeping UN power grab."
It is not just Americans' livesat stake, but ours, too.
Strong had a meteoric rise to power. Born into a poor Manitoba childhood,
he became, at various times (and sometimes concurrently) senior adviser
to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan (a position he still holds), senior
adviser to World Bank president James Wolfensohn, chairman of the Earth
Council, head of the Canadian International Development Agency and later,
Petro Canada, the first director of the UN Environment Program in Stockholm,
chairman of the World Resources Institute, co-chairman of the Council
of the World Economic Forum, a member of Toyota's International Advisory
Board, president of the World Resources Institute (which works closely
with the World Bank, the UN Environment Program, and the UN Development
Program) and former co-chairman of the President's Council on Sustainable
Development during the Clinton years. He was a member of the World Commission
on Environment and Development (the Brundtland Commission), member of
the Club of Rome, president of the World Federation of United Nations
Associations, has served on the executive committee of the Society for
International Development, worked on the Commission on Global Governance,
was an adviser to the population control-promoting Rockefeller Foundation
and the World Wildlife Fund and was Secretary General of the 1992 UN
Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, the so-called
Earth Summit.
It is in this last role that he is most famous, for pushing a global
economic and environmental agenda that featured a prominent role for
global de-population as a necessary component of protecting the planet.
Strong sees man as the enemy of nature and in the global battle between
the two, favours the latter.
In his 1972 Stockholm speech, he warned of the "population time bomb,"
a theme he returned to in the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio. There, he invited
environmental non-governmental organizations and arranged for their
financing so that they could inundate the summit with their radical
new agenda.
His list of friends include former U.S. president George Bush, former
U.S. vice-president Al Gore, World Bank president James Wolfensohn,
the co-chairmen of the Commission on Global Governance Shridath Ramphal
and Ingvar Carlsson, and Jonathan Lash. He is exceptionally well connected
- to all the wrong people.
Bailey said Strong's friends "tend to overlap in their institutional
commitments." They serve on each other's boards, become advisers to
one another and in the case of the World Bank's Wolfenshohn, an early
employee of Strong's.
One need not use the word conspiracy. As Bailey noted (tongue-in-cheek)
in 1997, it's "just a group of like-minded people fighting to save the
world" by implementing their radical agenda.
Strong told Maclean's in 1976 that he was "a socialist in ideology,
a capitalist in methodology." Indeed, Strong has run numerous successful
business enterprises (oil, energy, real estate), which he has parlayed
into political influence. Bailey says Strong is "one of a new political
breed: the bi-sectoral entrepreneur who uses business success for leverage
in politics, and vice versa."
One of those businesses was a major holding company, the Power Corporation
of Canada, of which he became the president by the age of 35. Power
Corp. is owned by Paul Desmarais and has twice employed Paul Martin.
According to press reports, it is there that Martin caught the eye of
Strong.
Perhaps. Strong was a friend of Paul Martin Sr. - indeed, they became
business partners - and he seems to have taken Paul Martin Jr. under
his wing. It is more likely that Martin came to Power Corp. because
of Strong. More than one observer has said that Strong has "cultivated"
the former finance minister to become a prime minister, allowing him,
Martin, to become a business success. Martin owns Canadian Steamship
Lines, which he bought from Desmarais.
So what to expect of Strong as adviser? More of what he has pushed
for decades: a greater role for international agencies, promotion of
population control (including abortion and birth control) and environmental
plans that view man as the enemy of nature, not its steward. Strong
once said, "If we don't change, our species will not survive ... Frankly,
we may get to the point where the only way of saving the world will
be for industrial civilization to collapse." That seems anti-capitalist,
but it is also anti-human.
It is also likely that Strong will continue the UN assault on Canadian
sovereignty. In 1991, the Club of Rome (of which Strong is a member)
issued a report, the First Global Revolution, which said that current
problems "are essentially global and cannot be solved through individual
country initiatives, (which) gives a greatly enhanced importance to
the United Nations and other international systems." This is especially
troubling, considering that feminist NGOs at the UN are trying to entrench
abortion as an internationally recognized human right.
The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 at the
urging of the late Willy Brandt, former West German chancellor and head
of the Socialist International. The CGG says that it is not about one-world
government; however, in the words of the organization's co-chairmen,
Ingvar Carlsson and Shridath Ramphal, "This is not to say that the goal
should be a world without systems or rules." The goal, in the words
of Hofstra University law professor Peter Spiro, is "not a superstate,
but rather the establishment of norm-creating multilateral regimes ...
This construct already constrains state action in the context of human
rights and environmental protection and is on a springboard in other
areas." This is what worries pro-life and pro-family Canadians.
The summits, conferences, meetings and organizations that Strong is
connected to, have, over the past 15 years, become increasingly belligerent
in their advocacy of abortion, same-sex rights, promotion of birth control
and sexual rights for adolescents and various de-population schemes.
It will not be helpful, to say the least, that a leading advocate of
these policies will now be advising the prime minister.
(Next issue, a look at Paul Desmarais.)